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Tokyo gunning for changes in weapons export policy

By Cai Liang | China Daily | Updated: 2026-04-22 09:16
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The Japanese government has further eased restrictions on arms exports by drastically revising the Three Principles on Transfer of Defense Equipment and Technology and their implementation guidelines. Introduced in 2014, the two policies helped Japan break loose from its decades-long ban on weapons exports.

According to media reports, the revisions were adopted on the same day Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi sent a ritual offering to the Yasukuni Shrine, which honors 14 convicted Class-A Japanese war criminals from World War II. That the two events happened simultaneously proves that Japan is speeding up efforts to hollow out its post-war commitment to peace.

In 1967, the country introduced the Three Principles on Arms Exports to restrict its weapons exports. In 1976, its government further strengthened the restrictions and established a total ban on arms exports.

Combined with Japan's "exclusively defense-oriented" policy, the framework ensured that the country refrained from selling arms and limited its military influence in the decades following the end of World War II.

But this approach took a sharp turn in 2014, when the principles were replaced by the Three Principles on Transfer of Defense Equipment and Technology.

Although the revised rules restricted Japan's export of weapons to only five non-combat purposes — rescue, transport, warning, surveillance and minesweeping — they also created wide exceptions, and laid the groundwork for further relaxations.

In 2023, the Japanese government again revised its policies, allowing exports of finished weapon products to "license provider" countries.

Immediately after the revision, Japan decided to export Patriot missiles to the United States, an alarming development that circumvented the non-combat-purpose export rules and marked the beginning of Japan's exports of lethal weapons.

But this is not enough for right-wing Japanese politicians. The Japanese government headed by Takaichi now further revised weapons export restrictions. According to media reports, it removed the rules that restrict the export of weapons to only five non-combat purposes. This means Japan can export main battle tanks, fighter jets, anti-ship missiles, submarines and other domestically developed offensive weapons.

The Takaichi Cabinet reportedly diminished the Diet's role in lethal weapon exports by stripping it of the authority of prior supervision. Media reports said the government will only notify the congress after the National Security Council approves the exports, instead of first seeking the congress' approval for the step. This arrangement prevents the congress from weighing in on the exports, thus allowing the government to make export decisions all by itself.

The Japanese government is reportedly going to limit lethal weapons exports to countries that have signed "defense equipment and technology transfer agreements" with Japan, and forbid, in principle, weapons exports to parties engaged in armed conflicts.

However, the framework also allows for exceptions under "special circumstances", though no criteria were specified to define what these circumstances are.

This raises concerns that the government might rig the explanation in its favor and allow exports of lethal weapons to regions in conflict to influence the international strategic dynamics.

The most recent relaxation of the weapons export ban reflects Japan's ongoing pursuit of "neo-militarism", which has been driven by several factors.

First, the country's major defense contractors, which rely heavily on the Self-Defense Forces for contracts, have long pushed for more permissive export rules through political donations and lobbying, hoping to enter the global arms market to boost revenues and profits, lower production costs and upgrade technologies.

Second, Japan's right-wing forces have long sought to revise the country's pacifist Constitution and shed its status as a defeated country in WWII.

By relaxing weapons export restrictions, they are trying to weaken the constraints imposed by the pacifist Constitution and prepare for military expansion.

Lastly, in the face of sluggish growth, a low birth rate and aging population, right-wing forces are trying to expand the defense industry to boost the economy. They are also hyping up "security threats" to distract the attention of the Japanese people, many of whom are dissatisfied over domestic livelihood issues.

Japan has actively supported the United States in containing China, with Tokyo hoping to obtain military dominance in the Asia-Pacific by coordination with Washington in the region.

While efforts to water down the weapons export ban were underway, Japan started seeking to sell weapons to the Philippines and other countries in the region, with a goal to form "a security network" led by Japan and targeting China.

Such a drastic shift in defense policy constitutes a highly dangerous development that impacts Asia-Pacific security, the global order and Japan itself. These moves, which have eroded the post-war international security system, risk fueling an arms race in the Asia-Pacific.

For Japan, a sweeping relaxation of the ban will amount to a complete departure from its commitment to peaceful development, damaging its international credibility and spelling the possibility of diplomatic isolation.

More importantly, Tokyo's intention to patch up a clique to counter China militarily in the Asia-Pacific will only flare up tensions, and paradoxically exacerbate Japan's so-called security dilemma.

The author is the director of the Center for Northeast Asian Studies of the Shanghai Institutes for International Studies.

The views don't necessarily reflect those of China Daily.

If you have a specific expertise, or would like to share your thought about our stories, then send us your writings at opinion@chinadaily.com.cn, and comment@chinadaily.com.cn.

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